Dossier

Africa between tradition and modernisation

Philosophers, social scientists, writers and political leaders reflect on the past, present and future of modernity in Sub-Saharan African societies.

by Tana Worku Anglana

Kipsigis Student from University of Nairobi with His Grandfather Source: Middleton Russell, University of Wisconsin-Madison Libraries. Africa Focus. 2000

The fact of a specific parameter
having been set to define modernity
has made studies dedicated to
it geographically selective. Africa has thus been confined to being seen as an area
most suited to disciplines such
as cultural anthropology or ethnography,
and its most representative characteristic
has long remained its eternal
belonging to the primitive (Bernardi, 1997). Only recently has Africa begun to be observed as a continent in which modernity has produced concrete phenomena which are important for the interpretation of its present and the outlining of its future.

Still, before moving into an analysis of the studies produced on African modernity, we must clarify which concept of modernity this article will refer to. Our consideration of African modernity will utilize the formulation given by the Ghanaian philosopher Kwame Gyekye (1997), according to which modernity is a transition to a new era characterized by advanced forms of knowledge and technology and by advanced economic and political institutions, including, in all of this, elements of traditional culture in co-existence with the aforementioned technological, economic and institutional development. This transition should be a specific, alternative path to that imposed by western societies, as suggested by the researcher Ali A. Mazrui (1996). The link between westernisation and modernity can be only empirical and not conceptual. Therefore, it is possible to think of a modernity that does not neglect its movement within a substratum of traditional knowledge and wisdom, wisdom held to be indispensable by the ex-President of Zambia, Kenneth Kaunda (who cites African humanism as an example), for giving substance to an African modernity (1966). Modernity is here understood not only as a technological, economic and institutional adaptation to the present era, but also as a cultural phenomenon that does not forget to include African social ethics (Wole Soyinka, 1990).

The debate on the theme of modernity in Africa is therefore of great importance today (paradoxically, given that perhaps this would be the epoch more suited to dealing with the theme of African post-modernity) and it is definitely worthwhile to point out, within this debate, the work carried out by many African scholars, which is a major part of the theoretical approaches that finally identify Africa as a modern continent.

Attempting to outline the panorama of theoretical positions and acquisitions to be found in this field, we may initially identify two quite different trends among those who speak of African modernity, namely, those who see it as the final phase of an endogenous historical process and those who instead see it as an acquisition reached mostly thanks to contact with western civilization. Within this principal division there is then a diverse range of positions that differ in the attention given to certain elements rather than others in trying to formulate a definition of African modernity.

One point of view that focuses more on the contribution given by contact with western culture in the reaching of modernity is that of the scholar Anthony Oswald Balcomb (2002). In his analysis of the dynamics of modernity, the author adopts the theoretical approach of Anthony Giddens, utilizing the requisites Giddens established for defining a modern civilization: the separation of space and time, the disembedding of social systems and the rearrangement of social relations in light of the new knowledge acquired. The response of the African societies to the new organization introduced by the West would then have produced models of modernity that are more or less effective on the basis of their links with the traditional society, that Balcomb defines as pre-modern.

Balcomb, in fact, sustains that the relationship between the African societies and modernity continues to be a mixture of desire and insecurity. There would be, on the one hand, the evident tendency to repudiate the traditional culture because of its inability to encompass modernity, and on the other, strong support for African culture and identity, in the awareness that only from this position of strength is it possible to undertake the project of modernity. It seems sufficiently evident that, for the author, the idea that there can be a form of modernity born from the historic processes and the African societies themselves is not to be taken into consideration.

Among the supporters of an endogenous African modernity we find the Indian scholar T.K. Oommen (2000), whose analysis highlights the existence of three different types of modernity, referring to the trichotomy of the world produced by the cold war. A "natural" modernity (that of Europe), an "enlightened" modernity (that of the Soviet world) and a "mixed" modernity (belonging to the so-called third world).

Thus was born the idea of the existence of various forms of modernity produced by as many cultural models and specific historical paths. Following the perspective proposed by Oommen, to speak of only one form of modernity would mean to ignore a series of specific factors that make up the wealth of the contemporary world. In this framework, it was precisely the emergence of a variety of types of modernity, between the sixteenth and twentieth centuries, that produced the context for the process of globalisation currently in progress.

The so-called Third World generated by the cold war would thus have seen the birth of its own modernity, produced by its particular historical path, thanks in part to the social commitment that spread through the anti-colonial revolution; an African modernity that seems to have been achieved through a fundamental cultural modernization, which was not followed, however, by a successful economic modernization. The author suggests here the danger of a modernization which, in a situation of under-development, could mean a tragic passage to post-modernity.

Two women surfing the net. Source: JHU/CCP, Photoshare

In this framework, it is possible to identify various positions among the African scholars with regard to the impact the process of modernization has had on the African societies. Some in fact hold that, while the economic impact was radical, the cultural impact was absolutely marginal. Among these, for example, Amílcar Cabral, who sees - like Oommen - the danger of a modernity unaccompanied by economic development, and who maintains that only a minimal part of Africa has assimilated western culture, showing the indestructibility of cultural resistance to the intrusions on the part of the masses. It would be this gap between the acquisition of a material and an immaterial modern culture that produces various types of modernity and constitutes the core of the problem in the development of the African continent.

Others, like Nobel laureate China Achebe in his book Things Fall Apart, sustain instead that the cultural impact was very profound. It would actually be impossible, according to the author, to deny that the history of African modernization is a classic example of the process of the deconstruction of the institutions and social relations and of their successive reconstruction in terms of a global system, even though this includes all of the destabilizing and alienating effects connected to the process itself.

Returning to Oommen's analysis, it is surely of interest to take a closer look at the reason why, in his theory, Africa would never have been considered a modern continent. The cause would be found in the European tendency to consider the "black other" as a people without history, without a path that could generate national states and social structures that can be defined as modern. This called for intervention intended to civilize or, in more politically correct terms, modernize (Oommen, 2000).

It is in fact the theme of the lack of studies concerning the extremely rich African history that inspired the work of the English historian Basil Davidson, who speaks of the need to "collect the dispersed wisdom of Africa" as a basis for a cultural revolution, required to better understand the place of the continent in the world history of modernity (Davidson, 1971).

Davidson's historical reconstruction begins with the iron age because, according to the author, it is very important for Africa to take back possession of its most ancient origins. Origins that are rooted in a continent of boundless dimensions and very sparse population, that has usually been hostile to human settlements because of to the inhospitable ecological environment.

The scattered population in this enormous territory is a frontier population, whose life decisions are affected by the spread of a voracious desert that hinders stable human settlements and causes the resulting, paradoxical need to conquer new land. A pioneering people, therefore, with their own version of the western world's concept of "go west", which made the African people adaptable and flexible. In fact, as the causes of the dispersion gradually become more complex and more political, the ways and mechanisms of social change become so as well.

The historical analysis of the great Burkinese scholar Joseph Ki Zerbo (1972) also states that the conditions under which the African peoples developed were decisive in determining their future: for a long time Africa was a marginal, isolated continent. This isolation was, according to Ki Zerbo, one of the most profound causes of the continent's technological delay.

An isolation that went from being natural and inevitable for geographic reasons to being artificial, beginning with the period of slavery and then continuing with colonization, and which has nevertheless produced various forms of reactions and organizations that are part of the modern heritage of the continent. Davidson lists a series of them, among which we may mention:

- The birth of nationalist movements on the road towards independence.
- The effects of the wars of independence on African public opinion and the resulting    rise in awareness of personal identity.
- Mass movements and civil society organizations.
- The change to an urban life.

It is interesting to note how this new framework for the study of African history finally includes the application of sociological research categories, such as noting the importance of social capital and collective action and therefore of all the modern phenomena connected to them. The added value is therefore given by the diachronic approach, which feeds on the complete history of the African people and not only on its "ethnographic present".

The dichotomy between an Africa deeply tied to tradition and an Africa committed to its path towards modernity is one of the most widespread conceptual structures utilized by the scholars, across a variety of disciplines, utilize.

The philosopher Olufemi Taiwo (2001) identifies, however, two recurring problems that spring up from this approach.

The first is a conceptual problem: the process of modernization is often confused with the goal of modernity. The author specifies that this is not a matter simply of precise verbal definition. Modernization is nothing more than a tool needed to transform the social structures from pre-modern or, more simply, non-modern conditions to modern conditions, achieved through the gradual acquisition of those elements that make up the spirit of modernity (the aforementioned immaterial culture). Thus what is criticized is the method - defined as grotesque - for measuring modernity simply by using the Gross Domestic Product and the kilometres of railway (a typical approach of the theories produced in the Fifties and Sixties).

The second problem identified is once again of historical nature: contemporary scholars do not seem to have understood the importance of African history in the interpretation of its current modernity. The theme of African modernity is in fact widely catalogued as:
- a new subject;
- a subject that has no historical antecedents in the continent's past.

Taiwo's point of view is extremely interesting, especially since it stresses the fact that the transition towards modernity was already in progress in many parts of the African continent as early as the nineteenth century and therefore before the colonial period. For Taiwo it was the colonial period which actually greatly slowed down the process of modernity, triggered previously by certain important African leaders (whom he defines as prophets of African modernity). This is why the suppression of every form of modernity, a notorious hindrance to the subjugation of peoples, was a primary feature of colonialism.

According to the author, there were indeed influences from western culture that the "prophets of African modernity" had welcomed and at the same time made their own, especially with regard to the subjective concepts, individualism and the centrality of reason, the elements that make up modernity.

The topic of the centrality of reason, characteristic of modern thinkers and often itself considered the indicator of modernity, is very dear to the philosopher Odera Oruka (1987), who declares that whatever difference there may be between western and African philosophy and thought, it surely does not lie in the use of rationality. Rationality is a universal human trait and the biggest mistake you can make with regard to African philosophy is precisely that of denying its rationality, bathing it in an atmosphere made up only of magic and irrational traditionalism. Instead, it is possible to state that the difference between the two models of thought lies in the use that is made of the concept of rationality.

In the framework of the conceptual structure that opposes tradition and modernity, the Ghanaian philosopher Kwame Gyekye (1997) categorizes the positions he analyses as "revivalist" or "anti-revivalist", depending on whether or not they identify tradition as an obstacle to the reaching of modernity. The principal argument of the advocates of cultural revivalism is, in substance, that African culture should constitute the basis for its own development in the modern world and that modernization should root itself in African cultural traditions. In short, tradition is a resource to exploit for the reaching of modern goals and for development. The traditional should thus be integrated with the modern. .

Aerial View of Mogadishu, Somalia Source: Lewis Herbert S., University of Wisconsin-Madison Libraries. Africa Focus.2000

There are five elements that characterize the "revivalist" theories. The first implies the sense of involvement of each people in its cultural heritage, which constitutes the basis for developing identity and African cultural pride. Next comes the revival of the cultural heritage, which leads people to liberation, understood as independence from a cultural system introduced by colonialism. Then, returning to your roots thus acts as an approach that criticizes the current state of things, the driving force towards a completely endogenous form of modernity. The fourth element is the need to arrive at an alternative model of development, one that is animated by the ethos of the traditional values system and that attempts to project a future that conforms to the spirits of the past. The final element involves the contribution that the uniting of a people under the aegis of traditional values can make to national integration and the construction of states.

The revivalist spirit is personified by the philosopher N. K. Dzobo (1992), for whom the Sankofa ("return to the past", in the Akan language) is the only possible path towards African modernity.

The substance of the anti-revivalist arguments is to be found in the simple assertion that traditional cultural values cannot be adapted to the ethos of the modern culture and that, therefore, the two universes cannot be compatible. Essentially, if Africans are to strive to be in step with the world's technological and cultural advances, they are obligated to abandon most, if not all, of their cultural heritage, which is pre-scientific and can bring forth only a simple and primitive technology. The main theorists of this type of approach are two African philosophers, Marcien Towa of Cameroon and Paulin Hountondji of Benin.

In reality, the position Gyekye adopts as his own is that of an idea of modernity that also includes the characteristics of the traditional culture, elements that can be considered to be "in tune" with the modern era's models of life. This includes the positive characteristics of the traditional culture for their normative and functional value, even though a process of modification and refining is held to be important and necessary in adapting them to the requirements of modern times, or to make them more effective in a different context from the one in which they originated.

Aerial View of Mogadishu, Somalia Source: Lewis Herbert S., University of Wisconsin-Madison Libraries. Africa Focus.2000

The positive factors of the traditional African culture Gyekye speaks of are humanism, "communality" and what he defines as practical wisdom, elements that are not incompatible with modernity and that could be driving forces behind new and modern social structures and institutions, though ones that are completely specific. The author refers to the existence of unexplored elements of modernity that western culture has ignored and which instead can be found in African culture, elements whose contribution could be precisely that of completing and enriching the concept of modernity. To this end, the author cites the definition of democracy (considered an indicator of modernity) of the American philosopher John Dewey: "democracy is the idea of community life itself…the clear consciousness of a communal life, in all its implications, constitutes the idea of community life itself…". This is how, for example, communality may be considered a founding element of democracy.

Even if an analysis of Gyekye's theory shows modernity as a goal still to be reached rather than an acquired reality for Africa, it is interesting to consider the fact that the author does not contemplate the hypothesis of a non-modern Africa. In reality, no country can evade modernity, a natural and indisputable process present in all of the manifestations of a culture. Even the process of establishing traditions itself has included an evolving process of criticism, of refusal or acceptance, that African societies enact in attempting to adapt their own traditions to a constantly changing context. Even traditions therefore become part, a constituent element, of the process of the modernization of a culture.

So far we have dealt with the subject of African modernity from the standpoint of theoretical speculation, but to give shape to what we have covered we must look at the range of phenomena in African societies that are the indices and expressions of a modernity that has today become a reality.

Among the indicators of the modernity of a nation, one of the most effective is surely that of urban development. The city is the site of technological diffusion, commercial exchange and social and institutional innovation; in short, the city is the symbol of modernity. cietà africane sono indice ed espressione di una modernità che è ormai realtà.

The current size and importance of the African metropolises is undeniable, though often ignored in favour of a more familiar and reassuring rural image. Still, it is interesting to note how the urban dimension runs through the history of many African countries, a history that to most eyes would seem to have taken place only in remote villages and been organized in basic institutional structures. In his book "History of Black Africa", the historian Joseph Ki Zerbo describes the era of the great African empires, supplying information regarding the great centres of these empires, telling of unexpectedly modern metropolises as early as the sixteenth century. One example is that of the cities of the empire of the Sudan: Gianna, Tombuktou, Walata and Gao, cities with true and proper universities that enjoyed the patronage and respect of princes and of the people. Political capitals and powerful economic centres, for several centuries these Sudanese cities were unquestionably capitals of Islamic erudition and science whose light shone out in all directions.

It is difficult, after having acquired this type of information, to think of the urban dimension in the African countries as being solely the result of contact with western culture during the colonial period.

Still, we may report that the explosion of movement to the African cities took place in the historical context of colonialism, even if colonialism was in fact strongly hostile to this, as illustrated by Basil Davidson. According to the approach of the majority of colonial governments, the urban dimension, because of its characteristic of accelerating the processes of development, was not suitable for people who were to remain dependent. For this reason, the settlement of colonized rural populations in cities was often forbidden.

Touba, Senegal Source: African and African Diaspora Studies Program, Bard College

The scholar Maliq Simone (2002) instead highlights the way in which the city has today become a place of acceptance for traditional social structures, and not an indifferent one: "The city is 'turned over' to the task of re-establishing modes of thinking and acting historically associated with the rural areas. [...] These urbanised frontiers also manifest economic arrangements that have deep resonance within cultural memories. These arrangements attain a sense of familiarity which enables them to sometimes usher in more effective mechanisms of social protection and distribution than have existed previously. They also act, as De Boeck points out, as ways of 'reconstituting static and closed conceptions of the unidirectional relationships between modernity and tradition, city and countryside, in terms of shifting line of partial (translocal as well as local-global) connections and patterns of de- and re-territorialisation'". From the author's point of view, the city is seen as a sort of laboratory for modernity.

In the same way, the American anthropologist James Ferguson (1999), in his analysis of the African urban dimension, speaks of cultural dualism, that is, of the simultaneous presence of rural traditions and manifestations of modernity in the urban environment. This ability to syncretically reinterpret the contexts of progress is once again effective in affirming an African modernity. Unfortunately, this mixture of lifestyles is often interpreted as a partial urbanization and not as a peculiar version of a symbol of modernity.

According to the anthropologist Bernardo Bernardi (1997), the most interesting phenomenon at the moment is the formation in Africa of an urban middle class and, to an even greater degree, an urban mentality. This is a way of seeing, of day-to-day requirements, of ideals and ambitions that guide not only the inhabitants of the cities and metropolises, but also the residents of the villages. Nevertheless, it is the village that cedes to the city. According to the author, this is a process in progress, incomplete, but one that has a profound effect on life today.

Still, as shown by Charles Piot (1999) in his book Remotely Global, current African modernity can also be seen in the rural dimension of the villages. An effective example of this is the standard practice of the President of Togo of attending ritual initiation ceremonies for men (a method utilized at times for state military recruiting - another mixing of the traditional and modern), flying in a helicopter from one region to another across the country. Piot attempts to contrast, through a description of African village life, the romantic vision of them as places in which time has stopped. This romantic vision does not at all correspond to the aspirations of people like those in the village of Kabre (described by Piot) who are and have long been an integral part of the modern world. The author describes the village as a place that belongs to modernity, that has influenced it and been influenced by it, the place of that which is defined as vernacular modernity.

The models of life that had their origin in the urban dimension as we know it are not very different from those that arose in the African societies. For example, Bernardi notes that the urban condition is one of the factors that most deeply affects the role of women in the family and in society at large. Life in African cities sets a more demanding pace than does rural life, and women, who even in Africa must take care of the home and who often combine housekeeping and a job, find themselves totally involved in these rhythms.

Not to be underestimated as an indicator of modernity is the universe of artistic expression, whose treatment, with regard to Africa, was until recently based solely on the dilemma of whether or not the fetish was art (Bernardi, 1997). African art is an area where prejudice towards the continent becomes very difficult to overcome. Art historians were long reluctant to recognize the aesthetic premises of art coming from Africa and, in general, of art from countries that were once termed "primitive".

Yet, as is witnessed to by the African art historian Salah M. Hassan (1996), the development of modern African art was deeply tied to the search for identity that is part of modern Africa. Most of the work of contemporary artists has a clear link to folklore. However, a just interpretation of this phenomenon is possible only if it includes the twofold experience of these artists of colonialism and of the assimilation of western culture. Their work reflects a desire to search for and affirm a new identity for modern Africa, an attitude that could be likened to the "revivalism" of the African philosophers.

It must be stressed that there are today in Africa many high schools, universities and academies where it is possible to take courses and earn specialized fine arts degrees. These centers of study have been and continue to be the meeting places of writers and artists from all over the continent. These are places where a sense of unity took form as soon as the road to higher education was opened to young Africans, on the eve of the fight for independence from the colonial regimes, and the places where the négritude movement was established, beginning in the Thirties; a place where today's students still continue to investigate the values of African culture.

Africa's genius for syncretism, the ability to take from both the modern and the pre-modern what is needed for its own development, to reconstruct its culture, religion and its own spirit in terms of this mixture, seems to be the thread running through each manifestation of contemporary African culture. The suggestion that we would wish to launch in closing this brief review of African modernity involves the need to look at this continent as a place in which modernity has already produced its fruits, leaving in fact the basis for post-modernity. The proof is in the search for a collective identity that cuts across the traditional culture, the achievements of the modern world, the acquisition of cultural models from various sources, and finally, its embracing of the global culture which by now is also part of the universe of the African societies.