|
An interview with ambassador Richard Zady
The African diaspora under the spotlight
The new statute of issues such as responsibility towards the home country
and know-how and knowledge acquisition
by Alfonso Alfonsi and Assouman Yao Honoré
In the frame of a reflection on the diaspora
phenomenon abroad, "African Societies" met the Ivory Coast Ambassador
Richard Gbaka Zady in his roman office, to ask him some questions.
Q. In your opinion, what is the role of the
African diaspora in the development of Africa?
A. The diaspora has always played an important role. Today it must act as
a bridge between
 |
| Kenya Scouts Association teache computer
use to children. Panapress |
the European reality, for example, and the African one,
but its political role should be better specified and African
states should be made more aware of its value.
I have lived in Italy, and by carrying out humble activities I have achieved
this result. Having had the time to know this society from within, I have
been able to see what the possibilities for convergence and communication
are. The diaspora can have a very productive approach; one could say that
it represents another category within the
international debate. Its influence
is growing with democracy in Africa: freedom is a necessary element so that
the diaspora can express its own identity. Thanks to the safeguarding of
human rights, intellectual emigrants can now have greater weight; the debate
will no longer be local, and the state must recall all the elite
from abroad in order to work out a functional strategy in the interest of
all its citizens. Indeed, it is logical to involve
those who are capable of establishing the existing needs in order to prepare
the kind of strategy necessary. What I mean by this is that one of the strategic
roles of the diaspora will indeed be that of working out an international
communication strategy.
Q. Can we talk of your personal experience
as regards the diaspora?
A. By closely following the various debates here in Italy, I have been
able to grasp the political and social dynamics within the sphere of democracy
that guaranteed my presence in this country. I told myself that the diaspora
had to become familiar with the tools
of political analysis. This is not to say that
everyone had to be involved in politics, buy everybody had to understand
the inside mechanisms. Today, what we know can be an element of reference.
I have sustained a political battle to pave the way for the birth in Cote
d'Ivoire of a Directorate for Ivorians
abroad, along similar lines to what has been
done in Italy by setting up the Ministry for Italians abroad. We don't
all have to be physically present in our country, but we must create suitable
conditions to contribute to its development.
There are a great many citizens who have lived
abroad and these could act as a bridge. There are the scholarship students
who went straight back home after graduating abroad; but there are also
many who have lived in Italy, slowly getting by with hardship in society.
It is the latter, and not those who have "fleetingly" experienced
Europe, who can make a more important contribution to the growth process
of their country, and to this end we should create a precise
and responsible political will. In my modest
case, I believe it is the first time that a position of responsibility
has been entrusted to an exponent of institutional national politics directly
from abroad, and without even giving him time to return to his homeland:
a taboo has
been broken.
Q. You have just given a very typical example
of how diaspora members can be useful to their country, without returning
to it. Can you tell us something more in this regard?
A. Many people have business activities here in Italy and carry out projects
of solidarity
and of socio-economic
aid. There are also cultural mediators who further the knowledge of a
distant reality by making people aware of why it may be useful to have
international cooperation. One still has to see which forces, in the West,
are acting for the good of Africa and which are acting for the good of
the West in order to get them to create a third
way, without any counter-positions. We have
many businesspeople who have managed to gain a professional culture here.
In Africa, people think time never passes because they live in a pre-industrial
condition: there is still no conception of time
as resource. We have to persuade everyone that
we can grow only by working and producing something new.
Q. In this regard, in your opinion, what
are the factors that negatively affect the African states' road to progress?
A. So far Africans have not wondered about their role in the international
and universal sphere: their view is too restricted to their local dimension
and a global view is lacking.
Another element is the lack of solidarity between African countries.
Q. Is this mentality found in specific countries
or do you think it belongs to all African states?
A. I am talking in general terms of something that stems from history,
from colonialism and post-colonialism. The
reference elite is still the same. If all African
countries show the same deficiencies, it means that the elite has still
not managed to create models that are useful for all. There is a collective
project to carry on, which can then be implemented in different ways in
each country without denying the freedom of each to establish an original
path suitable to its particular needs.
Q. In your view, what at present are the
forces of African countries that can contribute to building a better future?
A. Firstly, the production forces,
since everything revolves around economic well-being. These forces belong
to the primary sector,
the tertiary sector and to the entrepreneurial elite residing in the
towns. But even
intellectual capacities are important. And here
I would not only privilege the "modern" elite - that has a Western
orientation and that defines as "backward" anything which has
to do with tradition and culture.
Q. In this picture, what do you think of
the elite's grounding?
A. Until now it has always been thought that progress could be achieved
only by referring to Western values. Being able to count on an elite that
has been trained in the West is certainly a positive factor that has allowed
social and cultural literacy. At the same time, however, the traditional
reality has been considered a hindrance and, even today, intellectuals
consider traditional culture as a limit to development, in
permanent opposition. The problem is then to try and find a homogeneous
enough path for everyone. The most progressive wing must in some way come
back to traditional society in order to boost it towards modernity, with
full respect of values and without
denying traditions.
Q. In effect, reflecting on the future
of African countries, we often wonder whether it is necessary to keep
tradition or whether it should be superseded or even abandoned. What could
be the elements of an African modernity linked to tradition?
A. When I speak of modernity, I am not talking of going beyond traditional
society because it
 |
| : Zwedpu "Boy Scouts on parade"University
of Wisconsin- Madison Libraries.Africa Focus 2000 |
is already in itself modern. This is due to the biological
regeneration of the generations: the concept of tradition that I may have
is different from the one that my father had. The problem is of how to reshape
the African tradition in a modern key. Thinking
of a specific African modernity is fundamental. In my view,
it is the elite who have to make a choice because
it is the group most geared toward economic, cultural and social growth.
Modernising means reshaping the elements of culture. We think of rural and
farming society as the "traditional society". But the farmer who
buys a radio and then perhaps listens to a news bulletin talking of the
visit of the head of state in France will wonder where this geographical
place is and will consequently get informed. Today, I see a dynamic society
that consumes commodities and watches television. There is no television
programme for the elite in the towns and a different one for the rural communities.
Very often, the traditional reality
moves into the towns: farmers go to visit their
sons and thus get to know urban life. That is why I talk in terms of an
ever-moving reality. Even in large towns there are still core elements safeguarding
tradition. There is thus a great overlap. Indeed, in the big cities we find
a reconstituting of the associations
of the villages of origin on the part of the elite, with the "leaders"
meeting to decide how the village must be run. This case, too, provides
for an exchange with rural people in a continuous give and take between
the two components. What is called for is the mutual respect and awareness
of the potential of both groups.
Q. One item on the agenda is the technological
gap, the so-called "digital divide". Does this technological
apartheid really exist, in your opinion?
A. Yes, this technological apartheid exists, but not because there is
a will to keep Africa out. Everything depends on the time taken to prepare
the current generation of intellectuals. Now there is the need for a training
policy, supported by African governments, allowing us to receive new technologies.
If we don't have the financial means or technological potential, then
trying to build something with weak instruments means widening the existing
gap. What is thus required is an acceleration towards a technological
reality, which we must also be able to handle. Today, even
those who live in the villages need a telephone,
internet and television.
Q. More specifically, what is happening
in this sector in Cote d'Ivoire?
A. It is a rapidly developing sector.
As regards mobile telephones, we have three
 |
| Ellington John "Crowd at Stadium
Kinshasa for football (soccer) match.University of Wisconsin- Madison
Libraries.Africa Focus 2000 |
service providers. However, according to the latest
data available, internet users are still only about 1% of the population.
Until we become producers of technologies
and manage to guarantee a qualified workforce, then the problem will remain.
Côte d'Ivoire is much more equipped compared with other countries.
It has a rather acceptable level of development and also a Ministry of
Information and New Technologies that will allow the country to keep pace
with world developments in this sector. I believe the country is oriented
to setting up specialised institutes, technical schools, that can contribute
to devising useful instruments in order to be protagonists in the third
millennium. Besides, if it is true that competition with the West seems
lost, it is also true that there is competition in development and technology
between African countries and regions. This regional competition is undoubtedly
challenging because it spurs individual countries into greater productivity.
Q. Are there any centres in Côte d'Ivoire
that are already experimenting with technological innovation and with
other research fields?
A. Yes. We have a Higher Institute
for Technological Training that trains technical
personnel to a very high standard. Moreover, there are many scientific
faculties which devote particular attention to research; for example,
the medicine faculty as regards AIDS. We believe that this is the right
direction, but it is essential that an African graduating from a Western
university, on returning to Africa, finds the same
infrastructures in order to make full use of
his knowledge and to become a nodal element of a new identity and of research
for progress.
Q. In your view, how should one act to contrast
the isolation of the African continent?
A. Today, solidarity must provide for the valorisation
of human resources. The problem is not so much
one of raw materials or space. Having raw materials does not mean being
equipped to make full use of them and properly handling them. If there
were to be a Marshall Plan for Africa today, we wouldn't be sure of having
the right people available to make the most of this investment. That is
why the education issue is crucial in order to overcome the isolation.
Q. Many researchers consider the institutions
to be the real problem for Africa's future. The issue is dealt with on
three levels: reforms, stability and relations between institutional leaders
and local chiefs. What are your views on this?
A. I think the question of institutions is crucial. You cannot have efficient
or leading institutions without rebuilding or giving identity to the modern
state. However, ethnic groups at times
seem to be more important than the state. The
traditional local chief, who is the heir of an ethnic group, actually
feels more important that the head of state. I therefore believe that
stability is an element to be sought in order to allow all the political
and cultural forces to express themselves. What I mean is that the figure
of a traditional chief cannot be done away with because it is a point
of reference - a leader that has a
role as cultural mediator. If anything, this
figure should be reformed, and indeed changes must allow for the various
ethnic, cultural and religious identities. We
should be aware of who the protagonists are of this new dimension of our
modern states.
Q. Many speak of a generational change
in the leadership of various African countries. In other words, there
is a widespread view of a new leadership. What are the characteristics
of these new leaders?
A. In my opinion, the new leadership is very "humble"
and does not refer to the great issues
of Panafricanism or to an overall view of a pure,
clean and unspoiled Africa. It is an elite that aims to go ahead with
serenity, questioning itself on its own identity and own potential. It
is aware of the limits of its strengths and knows it has found elements
in modern culture in order to be able to reflect upon itself. But, in
order to reshape an African identity,
the elite must take account of an Africa that is a protagonist in international
competition and no longer of a country that needs aid. Before
asking for aid, we must know what we can do and what kind of help we need.
Today there is talk of immigration and of multicultural societies: there
is a very positive approach, and we can to some extent take advantage
of a certain favourable disposition towards us for a more productive debate.
The leadership must have realism, with
no inferiority complex. It must not have a mentality
looking to the past but must be aware of and geared to a modern Africa:
it must be prepared and have a thorough knowledge of Western realities.
Q. You mentioned the issue of ethnic
groups. There is currently a debate, involving anthropologists and sociologists,
on the role of ethnic groups in African countries. In India there is talk
of the "Clast System", that is, of a class-caste system. We
wonder whether there is a "Clet System" in Africa, that is to
say, a system where class and ethnicity interweave. What do you think?
A. I think that debates on Africa should not be the monopoly of Africans
and that a certain
 |
| Young, M. Crawford "Students
in front of Social Science Building, Unaza-Lubumbashi Campus".
University of Wisconsin- Madison Libraries.Africa Focus 2000 |
openness is needed. Ethnic
groups represent the most significant sociological reality in Africa.
Indeed, these groups contain the social classes. There is a middle-class
group, a proletarian group, in fact, all the divisions possible are included,
but what is fundamental is the ethnic solidarity, which emerges when attempts
are made to take power. In a democratic election, a
candidate is chosen on the basis of his ethnic group and not because he
represents certain interests. There are the
modern, cultured elites and also the local elites of traditional society.
When there is a village council under a tree, not everyone has the right
to speak because speaking in public presupposes a detailed understanding
of the communicative pedagogy within the community concerned. In my view,
the relationship between ethnic groups and social classes is a fundamental
aspect that must be studied scientifically because all the efforts of
the pro-Western modern elite would be in vain
in the face of obstacles of cultural
interpretation. This could be the common basis
for an African and European research. The new leadership must be aware
of what ethnicity means today. One of our problems in this regard is the
simultaneous feeling of belonging to one ethnic group and the contempt
for all the others, considered to be "inferior". This does not
allow for any information exchange, let alone cooperation. And yet, today,
the salvation of African ethnic groups depends on their mutual
acceptance and on the study of possible common
guidelines for the future. The problem becomes all the more difficult
because there is insufficient awareness of the existence of a modern state.
The sense of ethnic belonging prevails over the central state and this
leads to conflict. In any debate, the ethnic aspect always prevails.
Q. As a user of international media,
how would you define the image of Africa conveyed by the mass media?
A. The image of Africa that is conveyed today is puerile.
There is a sort of search for a "lost
paradise", for how we were and how our
ancestors were. This is due to the fact that information has become a
business and because the public wants a certain kind of communication.
Although a great many documentaries have been made on Africa, there is
still no real debate on our continent's
potential. This holds for the Western or international
media. But Africa also
has means of communication and even these do not devote much space to
the Western reality: they only limit themselves to giving important news
items on international politics. In other words, we don't
speak about you and you do not speak about us.
Not even African journalists make an effort to convey new realities.
The lack of information on the society, customs
and traditions of Westerners is a great limiting factor: when our press,
or even our anthropologists, finally do decide to write about the West,
then we'll probably get a very intense exchange.
|
RICHARD GBAKA ZADY
 |
| Richard Gbaka Zady, Ambassador of the Ivory Coast |
On 1 October 2001, Richard Gbaka Zady was appointed ambassador
of the Republic of Cote d'Ivoire in Italy. A leading exponent of the Ivorian
diaspora abroad, his biography is very significant within the overall reflection
on this phenomenon. Zady was born in Gagnola, in 1961, and completed his
high school education in Cote d'Ivoire. In 1985 he moved to Italy to study
political science. In Italy, he worked as a labourer in various factories
in the plastics industry in the province of Reggio Emilia, at the same time
carrying out political activities (for ten years he was a representative
of the Ivorian Popular Front, in power today). His appointment as ambassador,
due to his experience and competence, was notified to him literally "in
the field", during a work-shift. African Societies interviewed him
in his Rome office.
(V.S.)
DIASPORA FORUM IN ABIDJAN
The Forum, to be held in Abidjan in November 2002,
will focus on the needs for policies of the Ivorians living overseas. The
initiative is promoted by the Government of the Ivory Coast (which has established
a particular department dedicated to this thematic) and it is coordinated
by the Fondation Afrique Progrès, under the aegis of Richard Zady,
Ambassador of the Ivory Coast in Italy. The topics, discussed at the Forum,
will be, among others, the harmonization of the legal framework for the
Ivorians living overseas, the implementation of policies to facilitate the
circulation of the population and the promotion of the social and economic
restoration of the Ivorians coming back to the country. The preparatory
document of the Forum analyzes the diaspora phenomenon and governments and
societies' diverse approach to it.
( D.M.)
 |
| "A telecom worker in the Ivory Coast"
Africaphotos.com |
 |
| Young, M. Crawford "Students in front of
Social Science Building, Unaza-Lubumbashi Campus". University
of Wisconsin- Madison Libraries.Africa Focus 2000 |
|